Destroyed dream: Tunisia Hub of terrorism instead of progress-part 2
Rapporteur : Farbod dehghani: Tunisia sees new government rapidly, in this situation army does what it wants and securities go their own way and every government orders a new strategy so there is no united package to confront with radicalism and terrorist misusing this situation to expand their control on Tunisia and attract Tunisian youths.
The military use is named after the Jebel Chambi, a huge mountain massif on the border with Algeria in the west of the country. Islamist groups are entangled in its ravines and operate across the border. With the smuggling of oil and drugs they deserve money, with attacks they advertise for their cause.
For the Tunisian Islamists want to be attractive - for a youth disappointed by the revolution in the country. One of these disappointed: Anis Amri, who is suspected of having committed the attack on the Berlin Christmas market at Breitscheidplatz.
In the truck attack twelve people died on Monday evening, dozens were injured in part. On Friday Amri was shot in Italy (bento I). The 24-year-old Tunisian belonged to his generation of the Arab Spring. Its hometown Waslatia, also Oueslatia written, lies in the shadow of the Jebel Chambi.
In Amri's home country, the Arab Spring had begun six years ago.
Even if he did not show any signs that he still radicalized in Tunisia - according to current findings, he turned to the Islamists only in his time in Europe there are many young people in the country who are in the catches of Jihadists.
Young Tunisians in particular had hoped for new freedoms and safe work (bento II). Of these dreams little remains, money can be earned especially in the hinterland with smuggling - or by jihadists joins and starts to fight. Many militia pay their fighters pay.
Six years after the revolution, Tunisia has become a hotspot for terrorists.
Most foreign extremists who have joined terrorist groups in Syria, Iraq and Libya come from the North African country. According to estimates, up to 7,000 Tunisians are fighting for the terrorist "Islamic state" or the Al-Qaeda network in Syria and Libya (McClatchy DC).
Especially between 2011 and 2014, many young people had become radicalized. The Tunisian government stated that between 12 and 2015, another 12,000 Islamists were prevented from leaving the country ("Le Figaro").
What really sounds like a success for the authorities is that the small North African country is home to an enormous number of young, violent jihadists. Most are children of the Arab Spring.
It all began with despair: the fruit merchant Mohamed Bouazizi had burned himself in December 2010 in protest against police voluntarily. As a result, the youth of the country went to the streets, long-term dictator Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali was defeated (bento III).
The Arab Spring continued in other countries, but only Tunisia was regarded as a successful example. An Islamic government could not get through, the new constitution was praised as progressive. In 2015, the National Dialogue Quartet even won the Nobel Peace Prize because it has committed itself to a democracy in the country.
Only a small part of this pride in democracy is left in rural areas today.
Radical preachers have influx, the youth feels abandoned by the state. According to a study by the National Youth Observatory, one-third of the Tunisian youth are sympathetic to the ideas of radical salafism ("La Presse Tunisie").
And almost 80 per cent of all untrained youths do not regard terrorist groups that are listed internationally as extremists - but merely as youth organizations. The Salafi becomes the mate of next door, the "ouled houma", as young Tunesians of the country call themselves (More in the study of International Alert).
"Unemployment is a lifestyle here"
A youth from Kasserine
The fact that young Tunesians turn to islamist ideas is less dependent on the Koran than on much less perspective. About 75 percent of the Tunisian economy is concentrated along the coast. Away from big cities like Tunis and Sousse, there are no jobs and no chance to advance with innovative ideas. "Unemployment is a lifestyle here," says Hossam Yahyaoui, a young Radiomoderator in Kasserine.
The province of Kasserine, in which the controversial Djebel Chambi is situated, forms the backdrop of the Tunisian development index. Unemployment is 23 per cent, well above the official state average of 15 per cent (Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung). It looks a little better in Kasserine's neighboring regions of Kairouan and Sidi Bouzid. In Sidi Bouzid the revolt against Ben Ali had begun in 2010.
The profiteers of poverty are terrorist groups such as "Ansar al-Sharia" and the "Uqba ibn Nafi" brigade.
The brigade is assigned to Al-Qaeda in the Maghreb, Ansar al-Shariah is to be loosely connected to the IS. Both terrestrial networks were founded only after 2010, they have machine guns, landmines and tank fists and entrench themselves in the mountains of the Djebel Chambi. Offspring recruit them through radical imams in the mosques of the country. The Tunisian government has already begun to control Imam's state.
Tunisia itself suffers the most from jihadists:
In the 2016 Global Terror Index, the Landplatz occupies 35 - out of a total of 130 countries.
In the most devastating attack on the army since independence in 1956, 14 soldiers were killed in the summer of 2014 (Jeune Afrique II).
Even worse was the attack on the Bardo Museum in Tunis in March 2015. Two assassins had shot with Kalashnikovs on tourists who were just coming out of travel busses. A total of 24 people were killed
Tunisia's radical youths are now increasingly coming to Europe. Anis Amri, the alleged assassin of Berlin, was not the first Tunisian to drive a truck into a human race. He had a model in his countryman Mohamed Lahouaiej Bouhlel (bento IV).
Bouhlel had ridden a truck across the Nice promenade in July. The attack killed 84 people.
The extent of violence in Tunisia and the sheer numbers of young Tunisians lured toward jihadi-salafi groups in Syria and Libya have alarmed and confounded many Tunisians and outside observers. The susceptibility of so many young Tunisians to radical ideology and violence poses difficult questions: Why has a country with such hope for positive change and representative government produced one of the largest groups of jihadi-salafi fighters? Why has a relatively small Arab country that represents less than one percent of the world’s Muslim population played such an outsized role in the current wave of jihadi-salafi violence? Why has Tunisia been so vulnerable to terrorism?